Home work Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Home work - Assignment Example he major financial issue raised in this article is the increasing cost of health insurance and the high profits earned by health insurers despite the reduction in the availment of medical care by most Americans (Abelson, 2011). One other issue is whether health insurance companies should already be charging high premiums because they expect a rise in the pay outs they will be giving in the future. A legal issue conveyed in the article is about the effect of the health care law on the high premiums presently being charged by health insurers. Is it legal for these companies to be increasing charges already to cover the federal laws’ provisions? It is the legal responsibility of a doctor to maintain confidentiality of the medical records of his patient. It is also his legal duty to practice his profession within the scope of his training and capabilities. A doctor must work within the guidelines of the employer’s health care contract and the government’s health care legislations. Insurance premiums are rising even when patients’ demands for care are decreasing because the insurance companies are preparing themselves from any sudden rise in demand when the economy improves and the people have more money to spend on their health needs (Abelson, 2011). Some observers are also saying that the insurance companies are already preparing for the full enforcement of the health care law in 2014 where they expect to earn less when coverage will be more accommodating (Abelson, 2011). If patients are postponing preventive tests, later on it might affect the quality of their health. This is quite alarming because the possibility of curing some illnesses increase with early detection. In the long run, the amount they think they are saving from postponing preventive test may not even be enough to cure future diseases they may acquire. Delaying preventive tests can cost the patients more financially and will have a negative impact on their health. The likely

Siblings Groups Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 7000 words

Siblings Groups - Essay Example 'the bonds among brothers and sisters are unique - the longest lasting relationships most people have. The sibling relationship lasts longer than the relationship of parent and child and often longer than that of husband and wife (Barbell, 1995, 1).' Regardless of the lack of literature and research that has been previously collected regarding the importance of the relationship between siblings, far too many children are separated from their siblings when child welfare agencies have to intervene. This essay will review the current literature concerning the out-of-home placement of siblings including the impact of separation of siblings and research regarding this sensitive issue. Additionally, a further discussion concerning when it may not be in the child's best interest to co-locate siblings will be presented. Lastly, how the findings of this research impact current social work practices will be discussed. In the last few decades there has been much more attention paid to the importance of the sibling relationship. ... siblings may become stronger, perhaps even stronger than those between parents and children. Children in these families learn to depend on each other to cope with their common life experiences. If intervention intended to help the children results in their separation from each other, they suffer additional loss and grief (Barbell, 1995, 1). This essay will review the current literature concerning the out-of-home placement of siblings including the impact of separation of siblings and research regarding this sensitive issue. Additionally, a further discussion concerning when it may not be in the child's best interest to co-locate siblings will be presented. Lastly, how the findings of this research impact current social work practices will be discussed. Available Literature In the last few decades there has been much more attention paid to the importance of the sibling relationship. As stated previously, prior much emphasis was placed on examining the parent/child relationship but the importance of the sibling relationship tended to be overlooked. Often siblings from dysfunctional families can be a tremendous amount of strength and support for one another. This is especially true when they have through their shared past relied heavily on each other for love, comfort and support. Shlonsky et al. in 2005 reported that siblings have the ability to help each other to repair the damage and repair the affects of long term parental neglect and abuse. However, they also noted that the relationships can be damaging as well. This varied response to the sibling relationship and its impact on the formative lives of children discloses more visibly the need for further research into the relationships and a thorough understanding by the social

Victim Support and Social Work

Victim Support and Social Work Victims of a Serial Killer Vangerlena Smith Violent crimes happen to certain individuals or groups every day. Sometimes the victims have the same characteristics, and sometimes there is no trace of recidivism pertaining to the victims at all. Some of those characteristics may include sex, gender roles, age, ethnicity, economic status, goals, education level, area of residence, stature or body type, etc. There is one particular case where the victims had similar characteristics. The case is that of Jeffrey Dahmer, a famous serial killer who lured, killed, and dismembered all of his victims’ body. All of Dahmer victims were male, mostly African American. According to the research I have done majority of Jeffrey Dahmer’s victims were hitchhikers, travelers, homosexuals, in some type of desperate need, or in the areas where Dahmer resided. He never went out of his way to go and find his victims; they just of sort of came to him. They were all also obviously young because he would meet them in clubs, bars, or at parti es. The ages of the victims are listed as follow: 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, 33, and 36. Dahmer also had victims who had a chance at living. Before he became the serial killer that he is known as today, Dahmer was arrested multiple times for fondling and molesting younger boys in public plays; such as, fairs, carnival, etc. In the following paper the nature(s) of the crime that Dahmer committed will be addressed. How to deal with the victims and their families on a micro, mezzo, and macro level will also be explained. Also, as any human being, social workers have personal values and ethics that sometimes conflict with those of their professional values and ethics. Nature of the Crime The violent gruesome acts of what Dahmer did to his victims could fit many natures of crime. Dahmer’s first victim was a nineteen year old hitchhiker whom he just picked up. Later the two got drunk and engaged in sexual activities, and the victim simply wanted to leave afterwards. Dahmer did not want him to so he killed him, dismembered his body, and disposed of him. This is where the pattern started. The previous information shows that one of the natures is obviously control. It was said that Dahmer never really had any friends, so he was a loner. He obviously got the victim drunk so he would become totally vulnerable to the situation, so that he could take advantage of the victim. The victim deciding to leave was totally out of Dahmer’s control, so he made it where he was in control; he hit the victim over the head with a dumb bell where he then proceeded to kill him. It’s debatable that Dahmer’s first murder was unplanned, so the sense of control that h e felt afterward his first murder, he wanted to continue to feel. This is the starting point of his recidivism. According to: â€Å"Sadism, a term introduced by Krafft-Ebing (1898) late in the nineteenth century, originally referred to sexual pleasure derived through inflicting pain and suffering on others. Over time, the term was expanded to include nonsexual enjoyment derived from sadistic acts† (Marten Kahn, 2011) Dahmer acts also could be labeled as perversion. For some of the victims they did not willing have sex with the offender. Also, some sexual acts were also done to some of victims’ corpse after death. Dahmer, in his teen years had struggled with his homosexual desires; combined with his years of being a loner, he decided to just take actions and deal with those desires. Lastly, the nature of Dahmer’s crime could be labeled as revenge. As stated earlier, Dahmer was a loner growing up. Yes, he had sexual desires like any other human being, but no one wanted to engage with him in any type of way because he was seen as an outcast. It could be possible that Dahmer’s act on his victims could have been one of revenge from earlier stages of his life. Micro, Mezzo, and Macro Levels Assessing the victims, families, community, and nation on the level of micro, mezzo, and macro scales is a critical level in evidenced-base practice. According to Hull Ashman (2012): â€Å"Practice with individuals is considered as micro practice, practice with families as micro/mezzo practice, practice with group as mezzo practice, and practice with larger systems, including organizations and communities, as macro practice† (Ashman Hull, 2010). Dealing With the Situation on a Micro Level On the smallest level, the micro level, for this case it is much easier to start with the live victims of molestation and fondling. This level could be used to work with the individuals to get some understanding on how they are coping with what had happened to him and also throw out suggestions. I’m sure at this level it’s easier to find out what each of the young men are probably wondering why did this happen to them, and what did they do to deserve it. On this level, it’s easier for a social worker to handle because they get to work with the individual one on one. In a mezzo group setting the victim may be ashamed to open up about what happened to them, and in return never get the proper help they need for moving on or coping. Some victims who has had things done to them and never told or got properly treated sometimes become the perpetrator of that same crime later on in life. According to Davis (1991): Dahmer’s probation officer noted that, â€Å"When Jeffrey was eight, his father said, a neighborhood boy had sexually molested him. Perhaps this may be the reason why Jeffrey has sexuality issues† (Davis, 1991). So Dahmer’s actions are a product of child molestation, and what could possibly happen if one stays quiet. It is also important to work with the individual family because family support when dealing with these types of things is vital. The social worker could encourage the family to do things such as, not help the victim stay the victim. They can do this by not treating the victim like something’s always wrong. Of course it’s a given that they will probably never forget the incident, but the reminder of it does not help them cope. For those who lost their lives as victims of Dahmer, families could be assessed individually on a micro level as well. Everyone has a different experience when it comes to death of a loved one, so they cope in different ways. It would be very inaccurate to marginalized them all into one category and help them to all cope in one way. It isn’t possible. Also, close friends, neighbors, teachers, classmates, could all be assessed on an individual level; depending on the level of closeness to the victim. According to Social Work License Map (2012): â€Å"Micro practice is the most common kind of social work, and is how most people imagine social workers providing services. In micro social work, the social worker engages with individuals or families to solve problems. Common examples include helping individuals to find appropriate housing, health care and social services. Family therapy and individual counseling would also fall under the auspices of micro practice, as would the medical care of an individual or family, and the treatment of people suffering from a mental health condition or substance abuse problem. Micro-practice may even include military social work, where the social worker helps military service members cope with the challenges accompanying military life and access the benefits entitled to them by their service. Many social workers engage in micro and mezzo practice simultaneously. Even the most ambitious macro-level interventions have their roots in the conversations between a single social worker and a single client† (Social Work License Map, 2012). Dealing With the Situation on a Mezzo Level Mezzo is the level of assessment dealing with group settings. Pertaining to the victims of Jeffrey Dahmer; this is where a social work could get all the molested victims in one room, and maybe have them share their experience and how it affected them. There is such a thing called self-help groups and in these groups the individuals all have something in common. Within these groups they help one another cope with the particular problem. They sometimes do this by expressing their feelings. If these victims could come together and talk about how Dahmer affected them, they may just be able to move on. Also, on this level the victims along with their families could be assessed. Once assessed on a micro level, if the individual could open up about how they were affected to their families, then maybe the family would know how to assist them in helping them cope. â€Å"Those skills used in working with individuals provide the foundation for work with larger groups, organizations, and commun ities† (Ashman Hull, 2010). One victim may not want the family to baby them because of what happened to them; where on the other hand, another victim may need that extra attention from their parents, siblings, etc. For the deceased victims, their families could also be assessed together. They need to know how one another feel, to emotionally support each other about the loss of their loved one. For instance, if a couple’s child was one of Dahmer’s victims they may deal with it differently. The husband may keep it boggled all in and the wife may cry all the time. Well they need to know how to communicate with those different feelings to help one another maintain emotional stability. The husband could comfort the wife during her times where she feels as if she wants to cry. On the other hand, the wife could encourage the husband to talk about his feelings more often, or at least let him know she’s there if he ever feels the need to talk about the loss. According to Social Work License Map(2012): â€Å"Mezzo social work practice deals with small-to-medium-sized groups, such as neighborhoods, schools or other local organizations. Examples of mezzo social work include community organizing, management of a social work organization or focus on institutional or cultural change rather than individual clients. Social workers engaged in mezzo practice are often also engaged in micro and/or macro social work. This ensures the needs and challenges of individual clients are understood and addressed in tandem with larger social issues† (Social Work License Map, 2012). Dealing With the Situation on a Macro Level On the Macro level, a social worker deals with the community which consists of the families, individual victims, close friends, etc. In the community where Dahmer did all his murdering, could rise up a scare amongst some people and be of a shock to others. On this level, a social worker could be effective by going to meet with parents and plan ways that they could make the community a safer place where their children could live, play, etc. Setting up a neighborhood watch team, parents making sure they know where there children are going when they leave home, and making sure that the children be alert of strangers are all ways in solving some of the problems in a community of uproar. As for the community of Dahmer’s victims who didn’t survive, a social worker could advocate for more police security in that area, just to watch for things of suspicion. Because not only were those communities afraid of Dahmer, but they were afraid that there were more killer out there like him. This is where the macro level gets broader. What Jeffrey Dahmer did to his victims become known nationally. This created worry all over the United States. How would social workers address the issue to a community as broad as the whole nation? First, they could brainstorm ideas for the nation to keep themselves self. For example, they could encourage people not to hitchhike at night. They could also warn that all hitchhikers should not be picked up as well. As stated before, another safety precaution is that parents know where their children are at all times. For those who are of age, encouragement to not leave from clubs, bars, parties, etc. with strangers would be a great gesture. A killer who has the intent to kill cannot be dissuaded to kill, but those who could possibly fall victim could set up precautions for their safety to prevent the incidents that happened to Dahmer’s victims from happening to them. According to Social Work License Map (2012): â€Å"The practice of macro social work is the effort to help clients by intervening in large systems. Examples include lobbying to change a health care law, organizing a state-wide activist group or advocating for large-scale social policy change. Macro practice is one of the key distinctions between social work and other helping professions, such as psychiatric therapy. Macro social work generally addresses issues experienced in mezzo or micro social work practice, as well as social work research. Macro practice empowers clients by involving them in systemic change† (Social Work License Map, 2012). All in all, every victim, their family, their friends, etc. could be assessed on either a micro, mezzo, or macro level. Not all people are going to deal with every crisis the same way, so they should not be expected to cope the same way. Some don’t mind speaking in group settings where others may want to talk on a more individual basis. In the Dahmer’s case the level of macro got as broad as the United States, but in some cases the issue on a macro level could become global. Ethical Issues/Values Conflict As a social worker I would personally be all for the victim, not matter the evidence behind what Dahmer did. For example, Dahmer had some psychological issues so that calls for the need of treatment. As far as professional value goes, it’s clear after a psychological evaluation was done that Dahmer needed help; however, my own personal values says that he was not right for taking the lives of innocent people, therefore he should spend the rest of his life in prison. For the same reason, I would also want him to spend his life in prison because some of those victims were teenagers. Also, not only did he kill all of his victims but he removed the flesh from their bones, he cut some of their hearts out, crushed their bones, had sex with the corpses; that is completely inhumane. According to O’meara (2009): â€Å"Dahmer drilled holes in his living victims heads; poured in chemicals to zombify them, had sex with the corpses viscera, and kept some body parts in his refrigerator, occasionally eating them† (OMeara, 2009). As for the victims, I think it would be unethical, so to speak, of me to say that they could have prevented things from happening to them; such as, not leaving the club with Dahmer, not leaving with a stranger period, not getting drunk and falling into a stupor, etc. However, every social work knows or should know that it’s never the victim’s fault about what happened to them (Gough Spencer, 2014). Also, they would not only be some ethical issues and values conflict when it comes to the social worker, but also everyone engaged in Dahmer’s case. Once the prosecutor present all the evidence without thinking some, not all, or the jury will want in him jail; some would even vote death penalty because of their values. Policy Issues Policy issues on the Jeffrey Dahmer case would definitely be his sentencing. It is obvious in my research that Jeffrey Dahmer was psychologically ill, and need major help. However, the argument was that Dahmer disposed of the bodies, which means he was afraid of consequences. If he didn’t dispose the body he probably could have got sent to get some type of treatment. The Jeffrey Dahmer case is rare out of many. As stated before violent crimes happen to certain individuals or groups every day around the world. Murders sometimes just go on a random killing spree, but in Jeffrey Dahmer’s case all of his victims have common characteristics and trait. All of his victims were male, majority of them being black for some odd reason. They all were also of young ages. Some of those characteristics of Dahmer’s victims were their sex, gender roles, age, ethnicity, economic status, goals, education level, area of residence, stature or body type, etc. He mostly picked up hitchhikers, drunken people, or people who just needed a couple of bucks and were willing to do anything. Jeffrey Dahmer’s criminal acts started with the molestation of younger boys. The above content discusses how to help the victims who survived and the loved ones of the victims whose lives were lost cope on a micro, mezzo, and macro level. On the micro level each indivi dual victim is assessed for counseling. The micro level gives the individual more space to be open about what happened without being judged in any kind of way, or with being afraid. The micro level is a vital step to the mezzo and macro levels. On the mezzo level the victim could then be assessed in a group setting with people such as, their families, other victims, their friends, and so forth. The macro level is the largest level of all. On this level, communities, neighborhoods, and even the nation are included. It just depends on how broad the crime is and in Dahmer’s case the murders made national news, frightening many parents out there with young male children. References (2012, July 20). Retrieved November 12, 2014, from Social Work License Map: http://socialworklicensemap.com/macro-mezzo-and-micro-social-work/ Ashman, K., Hull, G. (2010). Understanding Generalist Practice. Stamford: Cengage Learning. Davis, D. (1991). The Jeffrey Dahmer Story: An American Nightmare. New York City: St. Martins Paperback Press. Gough, J., Spencer, E. (2014). Ethics in Action: An Exploratory Survey of Social Workers Ethical Decision Making and Value Conflicts. Journal of Social Work Values Ethics, Vol. 11 Issue 2, p23-40. 18p. Marten, W., Kahn, W. (2011). Sadism linked to loneliness: psychodynamic dimensions of the sadistic serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer. Psychoanalytic Review, Vol. 98 (4), pp. 493-514. OMeara, G. J. (2009). He Speaks Not, Yet He Says Everything; What of That?: Text, Context, and Pretext in State v. Jeffrey Dahmer.. Denver University Law Review, Vol. 87 Issue 1, p97-137, 41p.

Phytoremediation :: essays research papers

Introduction: In recent years it has become clear that some environmental chemicals can cause risks to the developing embryo and fetus. Evaluating the developmental toxicity of environmental chemicals is now a prominent public health concern. The suspected association between TCE and congenital cardiac malformations warrants special attention because TCE is a common drinking water contaminant that is detected in water supplies throughout the U.S. and the world. There is a lot of concern about the clean up of toxic pollutants from the environment. Traditional methods for cleaning up contaminated sites such as dig and haul, pump and treat, soil venting, air sparging and others are generally harmful to habitats. Some methods strip the soil of vital nutrients and microorganisms, so nothing can grow on the site, even if it has been decontaminated. Typically these mechanical methods are also very expensive. Most of the remediation technologies that are currently in use are very expensive, relatively inefficient and generate a lot of waste, to be disposed of. Cleaning up contamination: Phytoremediation is a novel, efficient, environmentally friendly, low-cost technology, which uses plants and trees to clean up soil and water contaminated with heavy metals and/or organic contaminants such as solvents, crude oil, polyaromatic hydrocarbons and other toxic compounds from contaminated environments. This technology is useful for soil and water remediation. Mechanisms: Phytoremediation uses one basic concept: the plant takes the pollutant through the roots. The pollutant can be stored in the plant (phytoextraction), volatized by the plant (phytovolatization), metabolized by the plant (phytodegradation), or any combination of the above. Phytoextraction is the uptake and storage of pollutants in the plants stem or leaves. Some plants, called hyperaccumulators, draw pollutants through the roots. After the pollutants accumulate in the stem and leaves the plants are harvested. Then plants can be either burned or sold. Even if the plants cannot be used, incineration and disposal of the plants is still cheaper than traditional remediation methods. As a comparison, it is estimated a site containing 5000 tons of contaminated soil will produce only 20-30 tons of ash (Black, 1995). This method is particularly useful when remediating metals. Some metals are also being recycled from the ash. Phytovolatization is the uptake and vaporization of pollutants by a plant. This mechanism takes a solid or liquid contaminant and transforms it to an airborne vapor. The vapor can either be the pure pollutant, or the plant can metabolize the pollutant before it is vaporized, as in the case of mercury, lead and selenium (Boyajian and Carriera, 1997; Black, 1995; Wantanbe, 1997).

Assignment for Resort Management Essay

The key areas requiring coverage will be the following: What factors influenced Disney to internationalize and why, please discuss thoroughly What were Disney’s ownership specific advantages (what did they have to trade/what areas were they expert in?) What were Disney’s location specific factors (the Where) – why did they select France? – Discuss and thoroughly evaluate and discuss using factors in the text What were Disney’s internationalization advantages (the how), how were they going to achieve such a complex move to a European culture and why? Assess the relationship between two parties (Disney & the French Government), who holds the most powerful position, discuss and evaluate What are the multiplier’s effects for France and Disney? Evaluate, analyze and compare Conclusion No additional research is necessary for this assignment. All details are included in the text given to you. Reproduced by permission of John Wiley & Sons, LTD from Progress in Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 3 No 1, 1997 Disneyland Resort Paris: a permanent economic growth poll in the Francilian landscape Anne- Marie d’Hauteserre Department of Geography, Southern Connecticut State University, 501 Crescent Street, New Haven CT06515 USA Disneyland Resort Paris was located in the Francilian landscape to increase the capital accumulation of the Walt Disney Company. It has settled there permanently, thanks in part to the convention signed by the company with the French government who needed an economic growth pole in the eastern part of the Paris Basin. Disney accepted the partnership and it’s constraints because it had ambitious real estate development plans. The French government, with it’s New Town policy, was the only European country that could provide such a large acreage which it used to lever Disney’s presence. Keywords: capital circuits; new towns; economic growth pole; landscape formation; public/private partnership Introduction The arrival of the Magic Kingdom in the Francilian1 landscape ignited a vituperative press campaign by French intellectuals who stood adamantly opposed to American cultural imperialism. It is the latest (although only) international theme park venture by Disney Company. Why did this highly successful company, selling an American specific cultural product that would not benefit from production cost reduction, decide to internationalize? It certainly would not reduce labor costs as illustrated by the migration of European car factories to the United States, while it would require major construction costs. Was the prospect of a widened European market by the  time of the opening of Disneyland Resort Paris in April 1992 the main incentive for foreign foray, and why? Was it established to act as an economic growth pole, complementing the French state’s policy of urban development of the Eastern suburbs of Paris? Large theme parks, like megaevents, promise potential economic development of the areas they localize in. This new geographic landscape was produce not just by private capital, to be dismantled at capital’s whim (Harvey, 1989), but by the synergic action of several different agents. This paper will demonstrate how the continued economic success of Disneyland Resort Paris is not simply just the result of it’s capacity to create profits through it’s consumption in a new locale, however semiotically explained, and/or the result of the judicious choice of the localization of this cultural capital circuit at the apex of European accessibility. Its success is circumscribed by and dependent on the French government’s development strategies and judicial structures. Capital has had to negotiate with government the design of it’s commodified landscape, the continued organization of which has also been subject to pressure by its potential customers. The convergence of these agents’ guarantees that Disneyland Resort Paris will remain embedded in Marne-la-Vallee in spite of all the difficulties it has faced until now such as financial restructuring in March 1994. The paper will first discuss how different approaches to economic globalization explain the Disney Company’s move to internationalize and how the choice of the site was based more on traditionally geographic reasons such as accessibility and availability of land. It will then demonstrate how the Company’s designs to ensure continued growth in the far future could only be accommodated by France with it’s New Town development strategy. This allowed the state to impose constraints on this private venture to ensure that it would remain a permanent part of the Francilian landscape whose new design the company had to negotiate. The paper will then show how Disneyland Resort Paris is not the white elephant that the French government was accused of subsidizing but will continue to act as a major economic growth pole. Causes of Disney Company’s move to internationalize The circuits of capital approach emphasize the totally interconnected nature of finance, production, commodity trade and consumption. ‘Capitalism is a process of reproduction of social life through commodity production. The laws of capital circulation are consistent’ (Harvey, 1989:343). The primary requisite of a capitalist economy is a continuous circulation of capital. Jean-Paul Sartre had noticed already in 1945 that ‘over and above greed, a genuine economic principle motivates Americans: â€Å"Money is supposed to circulate† (Combat)’. As capital circulates it is transferred from one investment to another. It follows only one cardinal rule: value be increased. Competition has become increasingly global. Disney Company, like all TNCs, is essentially a capitalist enterprise driven by profit. ‘The odd thing about post-modern cultural production is how much sheer profit seeking is determinant in the first instance’ (Harvey, 1989:336). The domestication of fantasy in visual consumption is inseparable from centralized structures of economic power. Disneyland Resort Paris is a private instrumental space designed for the efficient circulation of commodities, which is itself a commodity produced for profit. Cultural capital may represent an infinitely more expendable resource for capital accumulation than traditional investment capital, both for private companies and for governments. Cultural capital is considered here as a form of economic capital invested in the production of culture, rather than a symbolic capital, a person’s or group’s knowledge. These circuits of capital are not abstract notions; they are anchored in space where they create geographical landscapes. The company and its imagineers have been pushed by investors to create more and more circuits. The Bass brothers controlled nearly 25% of equity and so named Michael Eisner as the new company chairman in 1984, following other hostile takeover attempts, because the company was not exploiting it’s full potential to create more circuits of capital (Wallace, 1985; Taylor, 1987). The company, in 1984, was already a powerful brand name with annual revenues of $1B. Disney’s profits had soared to $783M in 1989 and its revenues had reached  $8.5B in 1991 thanks to a very successful theme park in Japan, through enlarging the Orlando area and through other ventures. It’s new directors wanted to capture more of the surplus value the name generated by entering the real estate business. They wanted to collect more than just royalties, as in Japan, to control more hotel development (they own only a small portion in Orlando), and to draw in more potential customers. ‘They are banking on Eurodisney as the principal engine of Disney’s growth in the 90’s’(Business Week, 1990). Disneyland Resort Paris was considered a major investment potential by 1984 because of the worldwide shift in capitalism from an emphasis on production to consumption. The organization of consumption has just as important an effect on economic and social structure as the organization of production (Lash, 1993; Zukin, 1991). Shopping, consuming is the most important contemporary social activity on North America (Levine, 1990; Williamson, 1986). The consumption landscape can be viewed as a by-product of the changes in the distribution of income in the constant struggle of labor and capital over economic surplus. Consumption is also emphasized inside the parks. The Magic Kingdoms represents a fantasy landscape constructed around an entirely fictive nexus based on highly selective memory and mediated by mass consumption. In the United States â€Å"†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.the Disney landscape has become a model for establishing both the economic value of cultural goods and the cultural value of consumer products† (Zukin, 1991: 231) and has legitimized investment in them. In the over crowded market place (even or especially that of theme parks – see Figure 2) imagery has become increasingly critical as a way of attracting particular publics and facilitating acts of consumption. The decision to internationalize is a major strategic decision. Disney was looking for economies of scope and co-ordination (Dicken, 1992: 143). Although the process of knowledge accumulation obtained from locating in new markets generates endogenously productivity gains that can sustain long run growth, the company had to ‘compare anticipated streams of monopoly profits with expected costs of product relocation’ (Grossman and Helpman, 1992:335). The innovation phase of its entertainment product (‘Magic Kingdom’)  required it’s location in California, close to the movie and television studios it’s inception and survival depended on (W.Disney in Schikel, 1968). As the product matured, the company reacted to the actions of major competitors. To prevent further entry by competitors it developed the resort in Florida and licensed the ‘Magic Kingdom’ to a Japanese company (Lanquar, 1992). The dynamic nature of economic and social processes finally led to the direct penetration of foreign markets, penetration of foreign markets, penetration limited in Europe exclusively for the next ten years to it’s French site (Convention, 1987.) Disney Company developed a globally integrated competitive strategy to focus on it’s know-how in resort development which had taken it thirty years to develop and refine and which would differentiate it from it’s competitors. In North America, Disney World had remained the most frequented tourist site, as of 1995. Las Vegas is disputing this ranking today. Dunning (1980, 1991)2 indicates that, at the micro (firm specific) level, to internationalize, companies need to fulfill three conditions: ownership specific advantages, internationalization of the use of these advantages, and location specific factors, all of which characterize the Disney Company if not always in the traditional manner. Disney’s ownership specific advantages reside in intangible assets, it’s perfected knowledge in resort development, it’s ability to create new imaginative visual consumption products, it’s sophisticated imagineering skills, inscribed in it’s brand image. Disney’s pursuit of an intentional accumulation of knowledge to respond to anticipated market conditions (for example, by engineering new themes for consumption, since the company has vowed to forever renew it’s parks, cf. Flower, 1991: 186-8, 205-6, 279, 285) requires an allocation of resources and investment of the same magnitude as for creating new technology. ‘Internationalization of this knowledge will require [Disney] to operate a network of [parks] on a world-wide basis’ (Grossman & Helpman, 1991:82). The application of these skills is limited to theme park creation although the idea has been replicated in other arenas of consumption: mega-malls, for  example, seek to attract and retain customers for the longest time by presenting Disney-like attractions. Steve Wynn salutes Disney’s imagineering with his pirate shows performed against the backdrop of a ‘Treasure Island’ sidewalk dà ©cor in Las Vegas. Copycat theme parks have burgeoned too, like Busch Gardens. This socio-spatial complex of production cannot be geographically separated from its consumers. It has needed to locate (i.e. to move outside of the US to where the consumers are) this new form of consumption as well as to localize it’s specific features (creating it’s own landscape within another cultural landscape, both at a geographic site and in the business and consumption world). The very localized consumption space offered by its theme parks limited it’s possibility for expansion. Disney needed to serve new markets in different locations directly even though the product is virtually identical. Marginal increases in numbers of visitors would have been minimal even if the parks in the United States were enlarged (this was one of the main reasons for Disney’s original move to Florida). This potential number of tourists from Europe would not increase either much above the 2 million now visiting the theme parks in the United States, considering the slow growth of European population and of it’s wealth. Time and cost space convergence have not been significant enough at the international level for pleasure travelling and it has not dissolved the psychic distance (language barrier for travelling to the United States, if not inside the Disney theme parks). Geographic reasons for choosing a location in Europe and a Francilian site. The Disney Company has mentioned two major reasons, or more traditional location specific factors (Euro Disney SCA, 1992). It can draw on 350 million customers (almost one and half times the size of the population of the United States) over an area half it’s size (Figure 1). Such a geographic move was to enable it to take advantage of the growth of short break holidays in Europe, together with the growth in numbers and sophistication of tourists while finding it’s niche in the increasing  tourist market segmentation. Four groups of tourists have been identified in Europe: 52% still travel attractive coastlines in warmer climes, 13% buy tourist packages, 25% prefer rural tourism and the rest practice urban tourism (Straw & Williams, 1990: 241). It founded its strategy on the notion that new consumption practices can take place anywhere and are eminently transportable. The company wanted to insure that it would remain the industry leader while it captured more of the world’s market share and augmented the size of the firm (Grover, 1991). Their target, for some sectors, is up to a 20% yearly increase (Lanquar, 1992:73). Long holidays occur over the summer months whereas shortest trips (their targeted travel niche) are taken year round. In 1985, more than %19 had taken a second holiday in the European Community, 27% in France. Unfortunately, that kind of travelling could not maintain it’s early fast growth: it had increased 10% yearly in Great Britain between 1976 and 1985. France was also then the European leader in international conferences (Straw & Williams, 1990: 242). The recession, combined with the staging of several mega-events in Europe in 1992, absorbed much of the disposable income for that year and beyond (Winter Olympic Games in Albertville, France; World Fair in Sevilla, Spain; Summer Olympics in Barcelona, Spain). Disney Company also relied on the fact that its products-division received 50% of its worldwide revenues from Europe. Fifty-five million copies of The Journal Mickey are published yearly in Europe, including now a Russian version, but only 13 million in the United States. At least 250 European societies have signed licensing contracts with the Disney Company (Rencontres, 1992: 89). Walt Disney Animation, one of the largest European studios for the production of cartoons had been implanted in France earlier (Saffarian, 1992). European consumption habits already included Mickey Mouse paraphernalia. Disney Company’s organizational apparatus leads, now across the world, to an increasing consumption synergy as its merchandise acts as both commodity and advertisement. In 1990, one third of its revenues were generated from foreign sales (Grover, 1991: 200). Name recognition is crucial even if often taken for granted in the consumer world (Flower, 1991: 21, Grover,  1991: 187). ‘Disney’ has become a shared term in world culture. Disney Company’s megadesigns (‘Dream, diversify†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦and never miss an angle’, W.Disney, 1988: 7), part of the dynamism and growth of transnationals, boosted competition for the park between European countries where it was considered a potential economic growth pole by itself and because it co-operates with other large multi-nationals. Cultural consumption contributes to capital accumulation by enhancing profits on entrepreneurial investment in production and distribution. European governments were anxious to anchor this new circuit of capital on their soil where it wold spawn more circuits. In the first ten years of Disneyland’s existence in California, the Disney company took in $273M, the peripherals $555M (Sorkin, 1992: 224). What distressed Walt Disney even more than the loss of surplus value was the disorderly and sullying form of this growth. In Orlando it has led to the construction of 76,800 hotel rooms, 5000 of which are under direct Disney management, 12,000 under licensing agreement (Rencontres, 1992). All the others are the result of spillover effects which include the implantation of 23 attraction parks around Disney World (Figure 2) The two other main contending countries besides France were Spain, for it’s sunshine (access, however was very constricted) and Great Britain because of the successful entertainment complex of Blackpool. The creation of Disneyland Resort Paris opened new spaces for the service economy where it should have a positive effect on capital accumulation in real estate development. Cultural goods and services gain economic significance through their role in interacting circuits of economic and cultural capital (Zukin, 1991: 260). In the contemporary (European, French) market economy investment in cultural capital would offset cyclical devaluation in other parts of the same circuit or in other circuits. European governments regard tourism as having an important economic role through its impact on foreign earnings, employment creation and regional development, because the activity is labor-intensive and employment can be generated relatively cheaply by those governments. In the United Kingdom  tourism supports 1.4 million jobs (Urry, 1990). Urban tourism is being used as a spur to regeneration in many de-industrialized(zing) areas in spite of the strong dependence of tourist activities on part-time and seasonal as well as low-skilled, and this low-waged, labor (Straw and Williams, 1990, Urry, 1990). Man governments were desperate to stem unemployment. In the mid 1980’s, 16 million workers were unemployed in the European Union. The unemployment rate hovered around 10% between 1983 and 1992 with highs of 12% in France and 21.2% in Spain. The rate for young people was 18% across the Union but reached %30 in Spain and Italy(Commission des Communautes Europeenes, 1992). Many of the recruits of Disneyland Resort Paris are young and unskilled (Lanquar, 1992:117). Cultural and environmental problems can also be exaggerated by the introduction of mass tourism (e.g. Disney World’s problem with sewage effluents in the Orlando area, Flower, 1991: 252). Such economic development can occur only if it does not put undue pressure on vulnerable natural resources. European governments are involved in tourism development because of its multiple impacts. Tourism, in turn, has commercialized ‘civilization’: in France, the transformation of ‘the places of memory’ into ‘places to visit’ has returned handsome benefits. The French government takes a broad perspective on tourism: it is more socially and culturally informed and less biased toward economic issues (OCDE, 1992, Rencontres, 1992:157). Why did Disney Company choose a rainy site close to Paris? It is one of three major population concentration poles in Western Europe, the other two being London and the Rhine Valley, and it is the most accessible to these other two (see Figure 1). Spain or the London area would have given access to the European Union market but from a peripheral location. Accessibility underpins the pull of centrality. The Paris Basin is at the juncture of northern and southern Europe: it is an unavoidable thoroughfare. Paris is also one of the most attractive cities with 25 million foreign visitors throughout the year. It is fewer than the 60 million visitors of London, but the majority of these are domestic (Straw & Williams, 1990). Those who will come to Disneyland Resort Paris, the company reasoned, will remain in the Eurodisney hotels 2 or 3 nights to visit Paris too. Studies conducted in 1985 determined there was great demand potential for theme parks in Europe (only one in ten people had even been to a theme park) that was largely unfulfilled (Rencontres EPA, 1992). ‘The large Paris metropolitan area is missing a theme park that could restore it’s tradition as a center for recreation’ (Ousset, 1986). He felt that Disneyland Paris would fulfill that role. There existed only two large recreational complexes in Europe: Blackpool Pleasure Beach in England (7 million visitors a year) and more than one hundred-year-old Tivoli Gardens in Copenhagan (3.8 millions) (Urry, 1990). Its site (in Marne-la-Vallee) illustrates the importance of geographical location (Figure 3) in it’s traditional materialist interpretation, which is even more critical at the microlevel. The company had definitely opted for the French site in 1985, in spite of it’s unfavorable weather conditions, following studies conducted since the 1970’s in several European countries on the feasibility of a number of sites (Grover, 1991: 187-8). Disney Company was looking for a site that was easily accessible to a large number of potential customers year round. When the company returned to court French authorities in the early 1980’s it had also realized that it’s projects needed a minimum critical mass to allow them to function as resorts. They were thus looking for a site that would guarantee the land area needed not only for it’s theme parks (a total of three are planned into 2017) but also for the hotels, restaurants, residences, office that would be built because of the demands generated by the parks (Figure 4). At the same time, social practices are structured in time as well as in space as they structure that space. Spain has offered the Walt Disney Company a better deal than France, but it was not able to put together a large enough parcel of land (Grover, 1991: 188). The Paris area was the best equipped to handle such a large real estate project thanks to the state’s ‘New Towns Policy† initiated 30 years ago: large virgin plots of land were ready for  rapid urbanization, minimizing the cost of infrastructure provision and of the environmental disruption caused by such construction (Roullier, 1993). Four million cubic meters of land were moved, 68,000 cubic meters of rocks were molded and 85,000 trees planted, while work on sanitation and drainage was equivalent to that required by a town of fifty to sixty thousand inhabitants during the construction of the Disney park (Nouveau Courrie, 1992). This readiness includes not just the transport and other physical infrastructure, but also the judicial and administrative mechanisms for integrated project developments conducted by both the state and private companies. New town development strategy and the constraints of the ‘convention’ New Towns were created by the French Government in 1964 to guarantee a more harmonious economic development of the Ile de France by emphasizing the eastern side until then neglected (Bastie, 1991: 88). Major industries had located on the western and southern side of Paris, while their pollutants blew east. The French government’s planned office center, La Defense, was built on the western fringes of Paris. These new towns were to offer a dynamic urban life within an architecturally stimulating environment and to remedy the earlier uniformity of suburban high rising apartment projects constructed to house the lower French classes, and little else (Roullier, 1993) The government chose suburban locations for the new towns (Figure 5) to counteract the main characteristics of all suburbs: their distance from town renters which turns suburban dwellers in Europe into second-class citizens (Merlin, 1989). More than a million people now live and work in these new towns, 225,300 in Marne-la-Vallee alone in 1993 (Figure 6, EpaMarne/EpaFrance, 1994). Their exact location as well as their layout was to respect the physical characteristics of the area and to take advantage of its environment amenities. Disney Company came on board when the third section (Bussy-St-Georges: 7000 housing units, 600,000 square meters of offices and 90-hectare technological industrial park) was just started (Etablissments Publics, 1991). The park’s size made it an ideal addition to the new town.  Disneyland Resort Paris was not just an amusement, but a large urban development, supported by major improvements in the transport network finance by the French government. (Boyer, 1994). In the French Government’s view, for the French new towns to really develop – i.e. grow beyond the need for constant state subsidies and to successfully change into old towns – attracting private investment was as important as constructing subsidized housing. The implantation of Disneyland Resort Paris crowned a development strategy conceived many years before (Roullier, 1993). The long-term objective was to make this area on of the main economic pivots of Europe, as revealed by it’s name ‘Val d’Europe’. This objective was based on the improvements in transport systems that would restore freedom of choice to town dwellers, provide access to the labor force and offer distribution networks for businesses. Transportation has been a key to new town development from its inception. The existing transport network is capable of draining towards Disneyland Resort Paris all those millions of anticipated visitors (Figure 3). All main communication routes in Europe or within France converge towards this area. Even if the Magic Kingdom were to fail (close it’s doors), these transport improvements would remain as the basis for attracting other private investors to an area that has always been designated for urban growth. Continuous urbanization from the other three sectors had been planned for this area, for some indefinite time in the future. The park only accelerated the process. There are two main themes to the development of Marne-la-Vallee as a new town. One is an office complex ten kilometers from Paris, with direct links to the capital. The other is the complex of Val d’Europe centered around Disneyland, one of it’s featured attractions, with a large number of offices serving as headquarters for Disney in Europe (100,000m2) that should attract other offices functions to occupy another 200.000m2. (EPA, Marne/EPA France, 1994; Boyer, 1994). By attracting large numbers of tourists, Disneyland Resort Paris will act as an investment magnet on other circuits of capital, based on the provision of hotels, tourist and leisure facilities and office buildings, that the French government will channel precisely through it’s new town of Marne-la-Vallee and as per the 173-page accord signed by two on 24 March 1987 after 27 months of arduous negotiations. The complete document with it’s appendices totals more than 400 pages (Convention, 1987). Results in real estate values remain way below predictions because Europe has been mired in an economic recession since the opening of the park. Although the French government seems to have given in to Disney Company’s demands (Grover, 1991), for example by agreeing to an international rather than a French court to settle disagreements, the detailed contract attributes obligations to both sides. The French government spent 2.7 billion FF to provide first rate transportation links, but it has meant added jobs for the area (4,500 for the rail line, 1,300 for the RER). Disney Company must, in turn, guarantee a minimum number of rides for the Regie Autonome des Transports Parisiens (RATP) on the extended regional metro (RER) ‘A’ line, or pay for the difference (Convention, 1987, Article 11). A detailed program of development of the land offered to Disney schedules each step. It was not given all 1,945 hectares to speculate with at will, contrary to some press accounts (Business Week, 1990; Smadja, 1988). Disney Company spent only 500M FF to acquire the land necessary for the it’s first theme park (covering the costs of the infrastructure provided with the land) but it led to private investments of 10B FF (Lanquarm, 1992:109). Other major projects, such as international soccer stadium and centers of higher learning, are being erected in the area, encouraged in part by the presence of Disneyland in Paris (Boyer, 1994). Disney Company also appreciated dealing with one main negotiating team, the EPA (Etablissement Public d’Amenagement), whose existence was permitted by the new town judicial structure (Rencontres, 1992: 99-122). This is a public development corporation that fulfills both commercial and financial functions. It is established by government decree and has powers of pre-emptive and compulsory purchase, as well as legal and financial autonomy. It can thus function as developer in the new town, while it also  represents the government. Communication remains remarkably static-free between this private company and French authorities, thanks to the single government voice and thanks to the detailed blueprint that indicates who does what, when, and how (Convention, 1987). The company also underlines the importance of continuity on the French side, adhered to through the years, since the first negotiations in 1985, by the French government in spite of political changes at the helm (Rencontres, 1992:100). The French state did require that this development occur within guidelines set up in a ‘Projet d’Interet General’ (EPAMarne, 1987, Limery, 1996) that seeks to insure a coherent approach that will, for example, enable the villages in the area to maintain their present specific characteristics. The requirement was not made in a spirit of simulated heritage but to maintain architectural variety while enabling new construction to be fully integrated in the new town’s landscape. This evolution will transform the living conditions of the residents of the old villages of the area who thought they could maintain a rural lifestyle only thirty minutes away from Paris and who are going to be invaded by millions of tourists. Agriculturists and ecologists have joined forces to fight for the preservation of agricultural areas within the new town to counterbalance this mounting urbanization. (See Roullier, 1993; Bastie, 1991). The departement of Seine-et-Marne has seen an increase of 18,000 hotel rooms between 1985 and 1992. This includes the 5,200 rooms constructed by Disney Company (Rencontres, 1992: 165). It wants to develop the potential attraction of the southern part of the departement, i.e. the region farthest from the park that includes Fontainebleau, from Melua to Chateau-Landon and from Barbizon to Montereau. It’s cultural and natural landscapes are rather exceptional since they include a number of famous castles (Fontainebleau and it’s museum. Vaux-le-Vicomte, Moret-sur-Loing) and beautiful natural forests. It is also an area frequented by locals (9 million per year) and by many foreign visitors (Maison Departementale, 1994). Disneyland Resort Paris is a wonderful opportunity to increase the level of visits by outsiders to the area which has suffered until now from it’s location in the shadow of Paris (25 million foreigners visit the capital, less than a  million come to this area). The convention that Disney Company signed includes the obligation for it to advertise other tourist sites in the area besides it’s own, as per Article 10 of the 1987 Convention (see, for example, the Michelin Guide to the Magical Kingdom). Tourist operators who do not have exclusive contracts with Disneyland Paris are also solicited to include these other stops in their packages. The departement is also trying to increase partnership agreements with a variety of service providers. Europcar, the official car rental agency of Disneyland Resort Paris, will put inside each vehicle a tourist map of the whole departement, as well as discount coupons for castles and restaurants in the area (Convention, 1987, Conseil General, 1991). Negotiating the design of the Francilian landscape The French government must have recognized that behind the vitriolic cultural debate about Disneyland Resort Paris stood a high level of capitalist investment in performance, in the machinery of reproduction, investment designed to create a ‘product’. The French government did not bow to capitalism which, like technology ‘does not invite a close examination of it’s consequences. It asks for trust and obedience†¦.because it’s gifts are truly bountiful’ (Postman, 1993: xiii). Contrary to popular opinion which accused it of caving in to the bullish tactics of Disney and the lure of many jobs, the French government had already resisted approaches by the company in 1976. French negotiators needed proof that this product could be exported. Tokyo Disneyland could not serve as a model in European negotiations and development, because the Disney Company was not a direct participant. It sold the exploitation rights to a Japanese company (Oriental Land Company) who financed, owns and runs the park. It did, however, serve the purpose of proving that the Magic Kingdom could be successfully transplanted onto foreign soil. ‘We’re finally able to convince the French negotiators that we really meant business.’ (Recontres, 1992:113). Because of the cultural capital are formed in real spaces, they suggest how space in an advanced service economy is really formed. ‘Capital creates and  destroys it’s own landscapes’ (Harvey, 1989). Space is structured by circuits of capital as they leave messages embedded in their surroundings. ‘Since the nineteenth century, shifting from one landscape to another has depended less on individual mobility than on a broad scale varied remaking of landscape itself.’ (Zukin, 1991: 18). Landscapes sometimes grow by accretion; they do not seem as historically and culturally bound as in the past as they are constantly reinvented by ‘footloose’ capital. The French government could not have forced Disney Company to choose a location in France. Some incentives to influence it might have over come any benefit government intervention could command. Tax concessions may eliminate any gains or lead to a transitory gains trap. The wages obtained from the supplementary jobs might be very low, leading to minimal tax and spillover gains, while increasing the need for services. The landscape is broader, has deeper roots and relies on more interconnections than government alone can control, especially on the international scene, since government intervention is restricted to it’s territory. Strategies of cultural consumption may only complement, rather than contradict, strategies of capital accumulation. The competitive edge of the French government to capture the Disney investors was by means of product differentiation, offering a space they enhanced through design and designation. The linkage between cultural capital and real estate development enables new economic structures to be localized and to acquire specific geographic locations: Marne-la-Valle for Disneyland Resort Paris. Disneyland Resort Paris demanded specific efforts to insert this large international project into a suburban new town within which it is to evolve rapidly. These are efforts of co-ordination in planning strategies, in capturing spillovers and in image development (Rencontres, 1992). Disneyland Resort Paris could not, by itself have acted as a growth pole that would economically resuscitate the eastern suburbs of Paris. The circuit of cultural capital it represented fizzled out within two years: Disneyland Resort Paris was ready to close it’s doors in March 1994 because it was bankrupt due to blunders before and at the time of the opening cultural, financial and economic matters. A capital asset that cannot earn income has  no value; it becomes a liability. It did subject Disney Company to some ridicule by the press (Solomon, 1994). The tension between globalization forces that led to it’s expansion in Europe and localization forces, the result of local differences in production and marketing techniques has forced Disney Company to change and adapt it’s much prized know-how: for example, it has had to accept the sale of alcohol in the park. Losses were mounting too dangerously to ignore subtly different cultural practices. It was assumed that traditional status systems and parochial loyalties would wither away in the course of economic growth. Globalization has not done away with culture-specific modes of consumption. One of Disney Company’s continued problems is the minimal amount spent by these millions of Europeans within the park: an average, in 1992, of 310FF instead of the expected 333 (Commission du Tourisme, 1993), down to 224FF in 1995 (Revenu, 1996). These spectators (Disney Company’s terms for the visitors of it’s parks) have chosen other non-pecuniary forms of participation in Disney’s spectacle. The resort was, however, integrated in a long-term project of the French government, dedicated to the balanced economic growth of the Parisian Basin. The short-term effect of Disney Company’s capital venture was counteracted by the long term (30 year) ‘convention; signed by both parties. Disney Company could not withdraw, especially if the circuit was no longer profitable. This convergence, in Marne-la-Vallee, of capitalist action and social action created the synergy for Disneyland Resort Paris to be financially restructured in March 1994 so that it could again generate profits. Mutual effects of economics (circuits of capital pushing Disney Company to find new investment opportunities), politics (the French government looking for economic growth poles), and culture (the acceptance of a not-so-foreign popular cultural trait) are restructuring the Francilian landscape. Landscape includes the geographical meaning of ‘physical surroundings’ and the ensemble of material and social practices: it is the entire panorama. It connotes a contentious, compromised product of society, but on which powerful institutions have a pre-eminent capacity to impose their view: both  the French government and Disney Company in this case, not just the private company Disney (i.e. capital). In the United States, potential investments that are not targeted on short-term gain are often criticized as ‘social’ investments, but all investment takes place in a social context. Although it is believed that the role of sovereign states is being eroded in favor of international organizations, agencies and/or associations, private or political, that of France used it’s ‘strategic’ position to direct the development and prosperity of the Parisian Basin. The French government tried to avoid that public value be held captive to private value. It wanted to avoid that improvement explicitly reject the social variety of habitation of explicitly seek security by exclusion. Capitalism’s most lasting product is landscape (new geographies) which in many places it had rendered impermanent, forever exhibiting a new repertoire. Such shifting landscapes illustrate the structural charges of the global economy (Harvey, 1989; Zukin, 1991; Dicken, 1992). The spatial mediation of cultural consumption affects the redistribution of benefits among social classes and explains the direct interest of the French government in a Disney theme park, and it’s offer of the Marne-la-Vallee location. Space does make material form for the differentiation of a market economy but places can be selectively configured to promote community goals. The French government’s intervention of land in Marne-la-Vallee from matter to property so that development (localized economic growth) would not lead to obsolescence and dereliction here or in other parts of the Paris basin. It demonstrates that capitalism is not a monolithic force operating alone at the universalizing level to carve up the world according to it’s sole designs. Spillover effects of partnership Both parties emphasize positive results in spite of the vituperative press campaign which accompanied the arrival of Disneyland in the Francilian landscape (a ‘cultural Chernobyl!’). Such a large attraction was recognized as both a chance and a challenge: ‘The chance we grabbed, and together with our American partners we have worked to make the park a success so the 12 million visitors will bring wealth to this whole eastern region. The challenge we are facing is to become a strong pole of attraction culturally and economically’ (Rencontres, 1992: 196) Daniel Robert (of Bison Fute fame) added: ‘Marne-la-Vallee is blessed with an extra-ordinary opportunity to sell it’s millions of square meters of office space, it’s ideal of an urban area, it’s strategic position’ (Rencontres, 1992: 55). The presence of such a large investment has emboldened Marne-la-Vallee to combat the skepticism that smaller potential private investors show when solicited by New Towns. Visitors poured into Eurodisney: 6.8 millions by October 1992, 19.5 millions by February 1994 (Eurodisney SCA, 1992, 1994). It’s basic allurement is it’s Americanness. It has been the best received park ever in Europe and it is the number one paid admission attraction there: Beaubourg Centre received only 8.2 million visitors in 1993, 3.8 million of which were free entries to the library; La Villette saw 5.8 million entries, the Effiel Tower 5.4; the Louvre welcomes 5 million visitors per year (Eurodisney Resort, 1993: 5). These numbers are insufficient, however, for the park to break even, since it needs 11 million per year to do so and reached just that number only it’s first year of operation. Number of visitors followed a downtrend until 1994: 6,708,551 averaged 1.45 visits in 1993. In 1994, only 5,574,059 (-16.9%) pushed the turnstiles 1.61 times. Visits by residents of the Parisian Basin had dropped by 31.3&. In 1995, however, the park registered a 21.5% increase in attendance. The percentage of foreign visitors had dropped by 15% between 1992 and 1993 down to 56% of the visits but it was back up to 61% in 1994. The majority of the customers (93.3% of the 5,777 hotel rooms and bungalows – more than are available in the city of Cannes) are tourists, versus less than a two-thirds average for the Ile de France, but here too the number of foreigners has dropped (72% in 1994, 75% in 1993, vs. 82% in 1992). The occupancy rate of hotels has remained way below Orlando’s rate of 79% even if it did not increase from 55% in 1992 and 1993 to 61% in 1994 and 68.5% in 1995. Every hotel night sold by Disneyland Resort Paris engenders the sale of at least one other hotel night in the area. In 1994, Eurodisney hotels stared welcoming guests who were not necessarily attracted by the theme park (EPAMarne, 1994, EPA-France, 1995). Marne-la-Vallee is a creation in progress and it needs to become credible in the eyes of private investors. Although a negative image of Disneyland Resort Paris was diffused by the press during the construction phase, based on it’s American cultural attributes, it’s business of selling false reality for pleasure and it’s bullish negotiating tactics with the French government and later with private companies and labor, the more positive one of leisure and festivities and of successful business know-how has since been emphasized. Disneyland Resort Paris is more than the Magic Kingdom because of the hotels, leisure resources, offices and residences it plans to construct (Figure 4). It has developed an image as a solid capitalist enterprise, the kind Marne-la-Vallee wants to attract. Know-how can be applied to both Disneyland Resort Paris and Marne-la-Vallee, so that Mickey’s notoriety in Europe can increase that of Marne-la-Vallee, it’s present location. There does exist the danger that it becomes ‘Disney Vallee’. The social construction of the regional identity of Marne-la-Vallee will be dominated by Disney’s cultural capital and the various other capital circuits it will engender. Two strategies have been suggested to counteract such a danger. At the national level, the state should put in place structures that define the identity of Marne-la-Vallee separate from the company’s trademark. At the local level, endogenous and original solution need to be found to allow each and every inhabitant to identify culturally with the specific part of the Brie plateau s/he lives in. Disneyland Resort Paris has fulfilled it’s role as an economic growth pole both directly and indirectly, distributing spillover effects in the eastern suburbs of the Paris Basin while bringing economic benefits to the country. Within the perimeter of Disneyland Resort Paris, the ratio between public and private investment is 1 to 8, similar to the one found in most new towns. The French government invested 2.7B FF in public infrastructure while private companies and individuals disbursed 23B FF (Eurodisney Resort, 1993: 2). Construction employed 5,100 local workers and 180 companies for a cost of 13B FF 47% of which went to Ile de France companies, 76% in the case  of residential developments. The company also had to construct 1,800 housing units occupied by 3,500 of its employees. In 1992, Disneyland Resort Paris paid 81M FF in local taxes and 250M FF in sales taxes. On opening day it employed 11,500 people, two thirds of whom were French (70% by 1995), one fifth of other European origin. There are now 9,700 employee representing a saving of 7% in operating costs. The downsizing came as part of the financial restructuring of March 1994. They were paid 2B FF in salaries and benefits, a substantial addition to the revenue stream of the new town. They generated with Disneyland, another 25,000 jobs in the area. The fifty tons of laundry produced daily by the resort, for example, led to the construction of two plants in the area. A little over 40% of these employees live in the Seine-et-Marne departement and thus consume within the area. There are another 5,000 seasonal jobs, 10% of which are filled by local residents. The economic activities of Disneyland Resort Paris in 1993 generated 9.2% less revenue than in 1992, although visitor spending outside of Disneyland Resort Paris increased by 3.8%. Another decrease of 6/9% was registered in 1994. In the fiscal year 1991-2, the company spent 2.7B FF, but only 2.2 in 1993, a decrease of 20% in goods and services (insurance, laundry, electricity†¦). Purchases registered a gain of 14% in 1994, and investments for improvements and maintenance, of 22%. Much of the income from these purchases remains in the area. 93% of food products are bought in France, 65% in Ile de France. Statistics were culled from Eurodisney Resort, 1993, EPAMarne, 1994, EPAFrance, 1995, Eurodisney SCA 1992, 1993, 1994. The French government received 4BFF in foreign currency (3.4% of foreign currency earnings through tourism in France in 1993), 812MFF in taxes and 9 to 15,000 jobs, depending on the season. Although totals fluctuate from year to year, they remain a plus for the economy. Disneyland Resort Paris led to a more than 3% increase in the total number of foreign tourists in France, 60.1M in 1993, 61.3M in 1994. The combined activities and purchases of all 61.3 million tourists provide 5.1% of the French GNP and 7.1% of it’s foreign currency earnings. The park is placed seventh as a major tourist operator in France, with 4.9BFF in revenues, behind Air France, SNCF, Accor, Club Med, Aeroports de Paris and Nouvelles Frontieres (EPAMarne, 1994, EPAFrance, 1995). Other theme parks come way behind: Futuroscope earned only 300MFF, Asterix 194MFF. The financial restructuring of it’s annual debt, which amounted to $370M in Marhc 1994, allowed the park to announce a profit of $35 million in the second quarter of 1995 and increased attendance helped consolidate profits for the remaining of the fiscal year†¦. at least prior to debt payments (New York Times, 1995: D7). There was wide-spread optimism that Disney’s presence in Europe would enhance the attraction sector’s image, help improve standards of presentation and raise consumer expectations and especially willingness to pay. It has increased investment in smaller-scale attractions in France Asterix park (25 miles north of Paris) which had required an investment of $208 million receives 1.5 million visitors per year. The comic books it represents three-dimensionally have been translated in 40 languages. It conquered 7% of the potential market in the Paris Basin in three years. Disneyland Resort Paris aims for 17%. Under the influence of Disneyland Resort Paris it has begun a five-year refurbishment program. It has also been forced to define it’s product more clearly (Saffarian, 1992). Futuroscope, ‘an intelligently entertaining’ park, has revitalized the region that surrounds it. It opened in June 1987 and boasted profits of 15M FF from revenues of 300M FF paid by 2 million visitors in 1994. It’s theme is moving images. When innovators must compete in integrated product markets, they have reason to pursue distinctive ideas, and thereby contribute to the global accumulation of knowledge. ‘Dynamic Cinema’, one of the most sought-after attractions at Futuroscope, thrills, awes and panics spectators through the use of a 60/second flow of images and hydraulically controlled seats with computerized links to the pictures (Tresch, 1994). It has also had repercussions in other European countries. Port Aventura opened in May 1995 near Barcelona. Four hundred million dollars were invested, 20% of which by Annheuaer Busch, over 20 hectares, i.e. 50 acres (Tagliabue, 1995). Conclusion Both sides have benefited from this partnership between a private multinational corporation and public authorities. Disneyland Paris has maintained the momentum of development in Marne-la-Vallee that the French government wanted to stimulate. ‘The success of the office centers of Marne-la-Vallee, of the Cite Descartes (and area of higher learning) and the presence of Disneyland Resort Paris demonstrate that betting on Marne-la-Vallee to assure the economic development of the eastern part of Paris Basin was the way to go, even if success was long in coming’ (Merlin, 1989: 77). New large projects are being constructed and jobs and their multiplier effect, taxes, new transport lines are increasing. In 1995 attendance numbers were on the rebound and hotel revenue and occupancy rates augmented. Even Orlando had rocky beginnings before returning it’s investment many times over and the two American parks suffered from lulls (Grover, 1991, Flower, 1991). Both the company and the French government had remained optimistic since talks for the next stage of development are right on schedule. Disneyland Resort Paris obtained a site it can grow in, with the necessary communication links to one of the most densely (in numbers and in purchasing power) settled areas in the world while it provides the French government with a major economic growth pole. The contract binding the two parties distributes obligations to limit the ability of private companies to speculate on investments made by public bodies financed by the general public, while it guarantees the timely completion of these investments. Optimism was justified when Disneyland Resort Paris opened as scheduled on 12 April 1992. It is still justified today as attendance numbers and spillover effects are on the increase. (Revenu, 1996: 9). Proving that public/private partnerships can enhance social benefits and capital accumulation. Endnotes 1 ‘Francilian’ refers to Ile de France, also called the Paris Basin 2 A National Public Radio report in June 1996 indicated that Las Vegas had become the number one tourist destination among travelers who booked through travel agents. In a private communication, J. Brett of the Nevada Commission on Tourism mentioned that 30 million visitors were welcomed in the past twelve months in Las Vegas. Although slightly more than the 30 million who visit Disney World, the numbers quoted are of turnstile pushes rather than of head counts. I was not told how the total number of visitors to Las Vegas was arrived at. 3 All forms of knowledge (all products based on knowledge) have peculiar properties as economic commodities. Know-how is a ‘non-rival’ good: using it does not preclude others from doing it, of, other theme parks. It also ‘non-excludable’: the very use of information in any productive way is bound to reveal it in part (Grossman & Helpman, 1991: 15). Preventing unauthorized use of it depends on property laws and their enforcement. One can understand Disney Company’s sensitivity to any copyright infringements. 4 The first theme park in the Western world was built at the end of 1200’s by Robert II of Artois at Vieil Hesdin. It included a revolving castle, a grotto within which rain or snow could be willed, animated marionettes, collapsing bridges, as well as exotic plants and animals that symbolized paradise. Charles V destroyed the park 300 years later. References Bastie, Jenn (1991), La Seine-et-Marne dans le schema directeur de I’Ile de France, Cahier du CREPIF, 36 Boyer, Jean-Marie (1994). Marne-La-Vallee, Paris, Ile de France, EPAMarne. Business Week (1990). An American in Paris, March 12: 60-4 Commission du Tourisme (1993), Les Pares de Loisir en France, Paris, Assemblee des Chambres Francaises de Commerce et d’Industrie. Commission des Communautes Europeenes (1992): L’Emploi en Europe, Paris. Conseil General de Seine-et-Marne (1991): ‘Charte Departementale d’Amenagement’, Sept. Convention (1987). Texte Contracte de la Convention pour la Creation et l’Exploitation d’Eurodisneyland en France, Paris. Dicken, Peter (1992), Global Shift: The Internationalization of Economic Activities, New York, Guildford. Disney, Walt: from the Wall Street Journal, quoted in Hollis and Sibley, 1988, The Disney Studio Story, New York, Crown. Dunning, John H (1980). ‘Toward an eclectic theory of international production: in defence of the eclectic theory’, Oxford Bulletin of Economic Statistics. ___________________(1991), ‘The eclectic paradigm of international production’ in Pitelis and Sugden, edrs. EPAFrance (1994), Le Partnerariat Public/Prive dans le Projet Euro Disneyland March 29. ____________(1995), Bilan 1994, ‘Analyse des Retombees Economique et Sociales de Disneyland Resort Paris’, September, Paris. EPAMarne (1987), Projet d’Interet General Relatif au Secteur IV de Marne-la-Vallee. ____________ (1994), Analyse des Retombees Economique et Sociales d’Eurodisney. Bilan 1993, Paris, Societe de Tourisme International EPAMarne/EPAFrance (1994), Marne-la-Vallee en Chiffres, Observatoire Economique Etablissements Publics d’Amenagement de la Ville Nouvelle de Marne-la-Vallee, 1991-4: Maps and other pubilicity material on Marne-la-Vallee. Eurodisney Resort (1993), Euro Disney, les Elements Cles a Connaitre, March, Paris. Eurodisney SCA, 1992, 1993, 1994, Annual Reports. Flower, Joe (1991), Prince of the Magic Kingdom, New York, John Wiley & Sons. Grossman, Gene, M., and Elhanan Helpman (1991), Innovation and Growth in the Global Economy, Cambridge MA, MIT Press. Grover, Ron (1991), The Disney Touch, New York, Irwin. Harvey, David (1989), The Condition of Postmodernity, Oxford, Basil Blackwell Lanquar, Robert (1992), L’Empire Disney, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. Lash, Scott (1993), ‘Pierre Bourdieu: cultural economy and social change’, in C. Calhoun, E.Levine, J (1990), Lessons from Tyson’s Corner. Forbes, April 30: 186-7. Limery, E (1996), Le Projet Euro Disney, un Projet d’Interet General, EPAMarne. Maison Departementale du Tourisme (1994). Tourisme en Seine-et-Maine, Dammarie Les Lys. Merlin, Pierre (1989), Ving-Cinq Ans de Villes Nouvelles en France, Paris. Ed Economica. Michelin Tourist Guide, 1992: Eurodisney Resort Sightseeing in the Area. New York Times (1995), ‘Euro Disney reports profit for ’95, but the future remains cloudy’, 16 November: D7. Nouveau Courier (Le) (1992), ‘Euro Disney une aubaine pour les enterprises?†, April: 1-13. OCDE (1992), Politique du Toursime et Tourisme International dans les Pays de l’OCDE, Paris. Ousset, Bernard (1986), ‘Les Parcs d’attraction americains’, Monuments Historiques, 143: 172-5. Postman, Neil (1993, Technopoly, New York, Vintage Books. Rencontres EPA France (1992), ‘La Gestion Territoriale des Grands Amenagements de Loisirs’, Paris, Diffusion Ed van Wilder. Revenu Francais (Le) (1996), ‘EuroDisney est-il definitivement redresse?’ 391, May 24: 1&9. Roullier, Jean Eudes (1993), French New Towns, translated and adapted by Alan Lee, Paris, Gie Villes Nouvelles de France. Saffarian, Bagherzadeh (1992), Pourquoi le Premier Euro Disneyland a Marne-la-Vallee, PhD thesis, University of Paris IV, unpublished. Sartre, Jean-Paul (1945), Comabt, February 4-5. Schikel, Richard (1968), The Disney Version: The Life, Times, Art and Commerce of Walt Disney, New York, Simon Schuster. Shaw, Gareth and Allan M. Williams (1990), ‘Tourism and development’, D. Pinder, editor, Western Europe: Challenge and Change, London, Bethaven Press: 240-257. Smadjad, Gilles (1988), Mickey L’Arnaque, Paris, Messidor. Solomon, Jolie (1994), ‘Mickey’s trip to trouble’, Newsweek February 14: 34-9. Sorkin, Michael (ed.), (1992), Variations on a Theme Park, New York, Farrar, Strauss & Giroux. Tagiliabue, John (1995), ‘Step Right up, Monsieur’, New York Times, Wed, August 23. Taylor, John (1987), Storming the Magic Kingdom, New York, Alfred Knopf. Tresch, Patricia (1994), Futuroscope’, Selection du Reader’s Digest, August 50-7. Urry, John (1990), The Tourist Gaze, London, Sage Publications. Wallace, Michael (1985), ‘Mickey Mouse history: portraying the past at Disney World’, Radical History Review, 32: 33-57. Williamson, Judith (1986), Consuming Passions: The Dynamics of Popular Culture, London, Marion Boyars. Zukin, Sharon (1991), Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disneyworld, Berkely CA, University of California Press.

Tradition & Innovation (History of Architecture)

Tradition & A ; Innovation ( history of architecture ) Much great architecture of the yesteryear has proceeded by polishing rigorous conventions without truly oppugning them. A much smaller organic structure of work has moved frontward through extremist invention. Use illustrations to demo ( among other things ) that what appears to be radicalism or preservation is non ever what it seems. You could follow a sequence in one topographic point ( such as Brunelleshi ‘s Florence or Pericles ‘ Athens ) or run more widely pulling trial instances from assorted times and topographic points. The Athenian Parthenon has captured the imaginativeness for about two and half thousand old ages. Writers frequently speak of it as the finest architectural accomplishment of the Greeks, incarnating the classical values of harmoniousness and restraint, composure, pose and repose, proportion and economic system ( eg Sowerby 1995, 168 ) . However, the Parthenon is simply one of legion edifices completed as portion of the alleged Periclean edifice programme of the 2nd half of the 5th century BC, which can be examined for the manner their designers made usage of tradition and invention. Other edifices, such as the hypostyle Periclean Odeion that owes much to non-Greek Iranian traditions, likely due to their province of saving and less appealing scene, have tended to be sidelined in treatments of this nature, but are of import however. This essay will first discuss invention and tradition in the development the Grecian temple from its beginnings to the mid-fifth century BC and so research invention and tradition in the Periclean edifice programme itself, associating these to the wider context of Grecian temple architecture. For the Greeks, architecture was a term reserved for public and sacred edifices as opposed to private and domestic buildings ( Whitley 2001, 279 ) . Of these public and sacred edifices, the temple is possibly the most well-known and characteristic signifier, which besides incorporated into their programme sculpture, painting and composing ( Richter 1987, 19 ) . Temples possibly developed from the Mycenaean megaron, a rectangular edifice with a columned porch that formed the cardinal edifice of Late Bronze Age castles ( see program in Stierlin 2001, 34 ) but their beginning in early apsidal edifices, such as that of Lefkandi seems more assured ( see program in Johnston 1993, 25 ) . The architectural significance of these edifices is that they make usage of the colonnade, making an outer portico around the cella ( the inside edifice ) and can therefore be described as peristyle or peripteral ( of a temple ) . Presumably this development occurred from the practical concern of roofing th ese big edifices, which besides used an axial colonnade for support, but was retained, going possibly the specifying feature of Grecian temples, surely still seeable in those of much later periods including the Periclean Parthenon. The reversible roof besides led to the creative activity of a pediment, the triangular infinite or gable formed by the roof above the entryway that would be used to border architectural sculpture. An early illustration of such a adorned pediment from the early 6th century BC is from the temple of Artemis on Corfu ( Johnston 1993, 47-48 ) . It is interesting that, for whatever ground, the apsis was non retained in ulterior edifices and alternatively an opisthodomos ( an unfastened room at the dorsum of the temple, sometimes used as a exchequer ) was sometimes present ( for a temple groundplan see Richter 1987, 22 ) . These alterations in layout are shown by the sequence of temples at Thermon between the 9th and late 7th centuries BC ( see program in Stierl in 2001, 42 ) . Thus the development of the temple signifier was one in which tradition and invention can be seen from the beginning. The earlier edifices were non the great marble buildings of ulterior times but were constructed of wood with thatched roofs ( Stierlin 2001, 44 ) . Over clip rock and tile came to replace wood ; sometimes instead than strike harding down a temple and get downing from abrasion, wooden columns would be replaced in situ by rock columns in a procedure known as petrifaction ( Stierlin 2001, 46 ) . The ancient Greek tourer and author Pausanias ( 5.16.1 ) vividly described an ancient oak pillar still in topographic point in the rock temple of Hera at Olympia. Columns of assorted diameters made up of different Numberss of column membranophones can still be seen at this temple, attesting to the ad hoc nature of the temple’s transmutation. Replacing wood with rock besides led to the petrifying in rock of some of the noteworthy architectural characteristics of the wooden temples – fluted columns, triglyphs, dentils, gutae, roof building and coffering for illustration ( see Boardma n 1993, 122 and Richter 1987, 25 for illustrations ; Stierlin 2001, 48 ) . This heterotaxy into rock conserved the signifier of temples that had developed in wood but the act of petrifaction is itself advanced. It might be speculated that rock immortalised the temple and made it a adjustment and lasting place for the God. Before continuing to discourse tradition and invention in the Periclean edifice programme, a few words should be said about the development of the two chief Grecian orders, the Doric and Ionic ( see comparative illustrations in Stierlin 2001, 49-50 ) as these are cardinal to understanding the development of the Acropolis. The Doric order developed in the Grecian mainland and Greek southern Italy and Sicily and is typified by broader columns without bases, tapering towards the top, heavier entablature with jumping triglyphs and metopes, the latter sometimes with carven ornament ( Stierlin 2001, 52 ) . A hexastyle ( sic column ) facade was usual. The Ionic order developed subsequently ( c590BC ) in Grecian Asia Minor. Columns were more slender, had moulded bases and were non markedly tapered. The capital had two spiral-scroll spirals and the lighter entablature was non broken into triglyphs/metope form, leting uninterrupted ornament. From the groundplans, Ionic temples, such as that of Heraion at Samos and Artemision of Ephesus besides appear more hypostyle than peristyle, holding two ( dipteral ) rows of columns instead than the Doric one and frequently with an octostyle ( eight column ) frontage ( see programs in Stierlin 2001, 105, 106 ) . The two orders have been contrasted as masculine, knee bend, unsmooth and feminine, elegant and refined severally ( Stierlin 2001, 49 ) and at the clip of the Periclean edifice programme were ‘still basically distinguishable regional styles’ ( Rhodes 1995, 54 ) . The Periclean temple to Athena Parthenos, or Parthenon, was built between 447 and 438BC by the designers Iktinos and Kallikrates and the sculpturer Phidias, and formed the centerpiece of the edifice programme of the political leader Pericles ( Stierlin 2001, 183 ) . This programme sought to laud Athens and in the instance of the Acropolis, to retrace the temples burned by the Persians in the early 5th century BC. It has been said to tag ‘the flood tide of the Doric style’ for the harmoniousness of its proportions, the polishs in its construction and its sculptural ornaments ( Richter 1987, 33 ) . However, in comparing to the somewhat earlier temple of Zeus at Olympia ( finished about 460BC ) , we can see that while the latter is about strictly Doric in manner, ‘the Parthenon’s signifier and spirit partakes liberally of the Ionic’ ( Rhodes 1995, 74 ) . This combination of Doric and Ionic can clearly be seen on a groundplan ( eg Stierlin 2001, 191 ) , w hich reveal an octostyle peripteral Doric portico ( 8 by 17 columns ) , instead than a Doric hexastyle, while six more slender Doric columns behind the octostyle frontages suggest a dipteral colonnade, an Ionic characteristic. The cella was divided into two suites, a smaller western room, the Hall of the Virgins and the eastern naos that housed the statue of the Athena, both approached from the exterior and non connected. The Hall of the Virgins contained four Ionic columns while the naos was divided into three naves by a overlying Doric colonnade following the walls and returning behind the statue, a first in temple architecture ( Rhodes 1995, 87 ) . Of class the usage of an Ionic frieze around the cella should non be overlooked. The Parthenon seems advanced in its deliberate commixture of Doric and Ionic elements ( Rhodes 1995, 146 ) . However, some of these elements that may look advanced can be found elsewhere and on much earlier temples. For illustration, the 6th century Doric peripteral temple of Artemis on Corfu had an octostyle facade and the same proportion of columns ( 8 by 17 ) as the mid-fifth century Parthenon, every bit good as two rows of columns in the cella ( Lawrence1996, 77 ) . The temple of Athena at Paestum in southern Italy is a Doric hexastyle temple of around 510BC but the interior portico utilizations eight Ionic columns in an Ionic agreement ( Stierlin 2001, 74 ; see program in Richter 1987, 30 ) . It was besides noted that the Parthenon made usage of overlying porticoes in the naos ( see Reconstruction in Boardman 1993, 118 ) . These were besides used in the modern-day 2nd temple of Hera at Paestum ( 460-440BC ) and Stierlin suggested that in the instance of the latter they may hold been used as a deliberate archaizing component, mentioning to the temple of Aphaia on Aegina, built around 500BC ( Stierlin 2001, 79 ; comparison exposures in Stierlin 2001, 78 and 148 ) . In a needfully ( to suit the expansive statue of Athena ) broad temple like the Parthenon, 30.88m at the stylobate, they may hold been more practical every bit good as attractive. It can so be seen that while the Parthenon may be advanced in the context of mainland Greek temples, there are analogues in the Grecian temples of southern Italy and Sicily that provide case in points for blending Doric and Ionic characteristics ( Rhodes 1995, 198n12 ) every bit good as characteristics from Archaic temples on Corfu and Aegina. The frequently discussed architectural polish of the curvature or splaying of the Parthenon was besides a traditional Doric solutions to drainage, although in the Parthenon it succeeds in forestalling the temple from looking knee bend ( Rhodes 1995, 74 ) . The chief factor in the l ayout of the Parthenon was in fact the older temple that it replaced, instead than any genuinely fresh programs. The designers of the Parthenon did non work in isolation but in a cultural and lingual zone stretching from Italy to Cyprus, with mainland Greece in the center and while the Parthenon is every bit alone as every Grecian temple it may be said to hold incorporated traditional inventions in a traditional manner. Traveling on to see briefly two other Periclean edifices on the Acropolis, the Erechtheion and the Propylaia, the Erechtheion, ceremonially the most of import edifice of the Acropolis, is a existent invention in the sense that instead than being a canonical temple, it is fitted to the mythic and physical landscape of the Acropolis. As such, it was constructed on two degrees, though with three different roof degrees, and incorporated the cults of Athena in the east cella, and Poseidon-Erechtheus in the West cella and north porch ( Rhodes 1995, 131-36 ) . The Erechtheion is Ionic in its columns and friezes and provides a complement to the Parthenon with its human-shaped Karyatid columns following a hundred twelvemonth old Ionic tradition begun by the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi ( Stierlin 2001, 208 ) . The Propylaia, or gateway to the Acropolis foreshadowed this balance once more by integrating both traditional Doric hexastyle outside combined with an internal Ionic colonnade. Rhodes s ays of its designer: ‘Mnesikles’ greatest part to the history and way of Grecian architecture was likely his vision of Doric and Ionic as equal constituents of a greater Grecian architecture’ ( 1995, 73 ) . It is possible that in a sense the Parthenon is more important to its modern adorants than its builders and that there is a desire to warrant this by mention to invention. Grecian temples were built non on subjective rules of aesthetic beauty but on mathematical and spiritual rules of harmoniousness and temples that reflected a peculiar harmoniousness were successful ( Stierlin 2001, 64-74 ) . The Periclean edifice programme did non radically innovate from a inactive or dead tradition: the edifices examined above surely did unite many elements to accomplish their alone purposes but so no two Grecian temples were of all time the same. Throughout their 1000 plus twelvemonth history, Grecian temple edifices and their builders combined traditional elements with limited inventions that by and large belonged to the temple edifice tradition guided by the rules of harmoniousness –a temple should be temple, after all.BibliographyBoardman, J. 1993. ‘The Classical Period’ , in Boardman, J. ( ed. ) 1993.The Oxford History of Classical Art.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 83-150. Johnston, A. 1993. ‘Pre-Classical Greece’ , in Boardman, J. ( ed. ) 1993.The Oxford History of Classical Art.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 11-82. Lawrence, A.W. and Tomlinson, R.A. 1996.Grecian Architecture.( 5Thursdayedition, Pelican History of Art ) . New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Rhodes, R.F. 1995.Architecture and Meaning on the Acropolis.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Richter, G.M.A. 1987.A Handbook of Greek Art.( 9Thursdayedition ) . Oxford: Phaidon. Sowerby, R. 1995.The Greeks.London: Routledge. Stierlin, H. 2001.Greece from Mycenae to the Parthenon.Koln: Taschen. Whitley, J. 2001.The Archaeology of Ancient Greece.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tradition & Innovation (history of architecture) Tradition & A ; Innovation ( history of architecture ) Much great architecture of the yesteryear has proceeded by polishing rigorous conventions without truly oppugning them. A much smaller organic structure of work has moved frontward through extremist invention. Use illustrations to demo ( among other things ) that what appears to be radicalism or preservation is non ever what it seems. You could follow a sequence in one topographic point ( such as Brunelleshi ‘s Florence or Pericles ‘ Athens ) or run more widely pulling trial instances from assorted times and topographic points. The Athenian Parthenon has captured the imaginativeness for about two and half thousand old ages. Writers frequently speak of it as the finest architectural accomplishment of the Greeks, incarnating the classical values of harmoniousness and restraint, composure, pose and repose, proportion and economic system ( eg Sowerby 1995, 168 ) . However, the Parthenon is simply one of legion edifices completed as portion of the alleged Periclean edifice programme of the 2nd half of the 5th century BC, which can be examined for the manner their designers made usage of tradition and invention. Other edifices, such as the hypostyle Periclean Odeion that owes much to non-Greek Iranian traditions, likely due to their province of saving and less appealing scene, have tended to be sidelined in treatments of this nature, but are of import however. This essay will first discuss invention and tradition in the development the Grecian temple from its beginnings to the mid-fifth century BC and so research invention and tradition in the Periclean edifice programme itself, associating these to the wider context of Grecian temple architecture. For the Greeks, architecture was a term reserved for public and sacred edifices as opposed to private and domestic buildings ( Whitley 2001, 279 ) . Of these public and sacred edifices, the temple is possibly the most well-known and characteristic signifier, which besides incorporated into their programme sculpture, painting and composing ( Richter 1987, 19 ) . Temples possibly developed from the Mycenaean megaron, a rectangular edifice with a columned porch that formed the cardinal edifice of Late Bronze Age castles ( see program in Stierlin 2001, 34 ) but their beginning in early apsidal edifices, such as that of Lefkandi seems more assured ( see program in Johnston 1993, 25 ) . The architectural significance of these edifices is that they make usage of the colonnade, making an outer portico around the cella ( the inside edifice ) and can therefore be described as peristyle or peripteral ( of a temple ) . Presumably this development occurred from the practical concern of roofing th ese big edifices, which besides used an axial colonnade for support, but was retained, going possibly the specifying feature of Grecian temples, surely still seeable in those of much later periods including the Periclean Parthenon. The reversible roof besides led to the creative activity of a pediment, the triangular infinite or gable formed by the roof above the entryway that would be used to border architectural sculpture. An early illustration of such a adorned pediment from the early 6th century BC is from the temple of Artemis on Corfu ( Johnston 1993, 47-48 ) . It is interesting that, for whatever ground, the apsis was non retained in ulterior edifices and alternatively an opisthodomos ( an unfastened room at the dorsum of the temple, sometimes used as a exchequer ) was sometimes present ( for a temple groundplan see Richter 1987, 22 ) . These alterations in layout are shown by the sequence of temples at Thermon between the 9th and late 7th centuries BC ( see program in Stierl in 2001, 42 ) . Thus the development of the temple signifier was one in which tradition and invention can be seen from the beginning. The earlier edifices were non the great marble buildings of ulterior times but were constructed of wood with thatched roofs ( Stierlin 2001, 44 ) . Over clip rock and tile came to replace wood ; sometimes instead than strike harding down a temple and get downing from abrasion, wooden columns would be replaced in situ by rock columns in a procedure known as petrifaction ( Stierlin 2001, 46 ) . The ancient Greek tourer and author Pausanias ( 5.16.1 ) vividly described an ancient oak pillar still in topographic point in the rock temple of Hera at Olympia. Columns of assorted diameters made up of different Numberss of column membranophones can still be seen at this temple, attesting to the ad hoc nature of the temple’s transmutation. Replacing wood with rock besides led to the petrifying in rock of some of the noteworthy architectural characteristics of the wooden temples – fluted columns, triglyphs, dentils, gutae, roof building and coffering for illustration ( see Boardma n 1993, 122 and Richter 1987, 25 for illustrations ; Stierlin 2001, 48 ) . This heterotaxy into rock conserved the signifier of temples that had developed in wood but the act of petrifaction is itself advanced. It might be speculated that rock immortalised the temple and made it a adjustment and lasting place for the God. Before continuing to discourse tradition and invention in the Periclean edifice programme, a few words should be said about the development of the two chief Grecian orders, the Doric and Ionic ( see comparative illustrations in Stierlin 2001, 49-50 ) as these are cardinal to understanding the development of the Acropolis. The Doric order developed in the Grecian mainland and Greek southern Italy and Sicily and is typified by broader columns without bases, tapering towards the top, heavier entablature with jumping triglyphs and metopes, the latter sometimes with carven ornament ( Stierlin 2001, 52 ) . A hexastyle ( sic column ) facade was usual. The Ionic order developed subsequently ( c590BC ) in Grecian Asia Minor. Columns were more slender, had moulded bases and were non markedly tapered. The capital had two spiral-scroll spirals and the lighter entablature was non broken into triglyphs/metope form, leting uninterrupted ornament. From the groundplans, Ionic temples, such as that of Heraion at Samos and Artemision of Ephesus besides appear more hypostyle than peristyle, holding two ( dipteral ) rows of columns instead than the Doric one and frequently with an octostyle ( eight column ) frontage ( see programs in Stierlin 2001, 105, 106 ) . The two orders have been contrasted as masculine, knee bend, unsmooth and feminine, elegant and refined severally ( Stierlin 2001, 49 ) and at the clip of the Periclean edifice programme were ‘still basically distinguishable regional styles’ ( Rhodes 1995, 54 ) . The Periclean temple to Athena Parthenos, or Parthenon, was built between 447 and 438BC by the designers Iktinos and Kallikrates and the sculpturer Phidias, and formed the centerpiece of the edifice programme of the political leader Pericles ( Stierlin 2001, 183 ) . This programme sought to laud Athens and in the instance of the Acropolis, to retrace the temples burned by the Persians in the early 5th century BC. It has been said to tag ‘the flood tide of the Doric style’ for the harmoniousness of its proportions, the polishs in its construction and its sculptural ornaments ( Richter 1987, 33 ) . However, in comparing to the somewhat earlier temple of Zeus at Olympia ( finished about 460BC ) , we can see that while the latter is about strictly Doric in manner, ‘the Parthenon’s signifier and spirit partakes liberally of the Ionic’ ( Rhodes 1995, 74 ) . This combination of Doric and Ionic can clearly be seen on a groundplan ( eg Stierlin 2001, 191 ) , w hich reveal an octostyle peripteral Doric portico ( 8 by 17 columns ) , instead than a Doric hexastyle, while six more slender Doric columns behind the octostyle frontages suggest a dipteral colonnade, an Ionic characteristic. The cella was divided into two suites, a smaller western room, the Hall of the Virgins and the eastern naos that housed the statue of the Athena, both approached from the exterior and non connected. The Hall of the Virgins contained four Ionic columns while the naos was divided into three naves by a overlying Doric colonnade following the walls and returning behind the statue, a first in temple architecture ( Rhodes 1995, 87 ) . Of class the usage of an Ionic frieze around the cella should non be overlooked. The Parthenon seems advanced in its deliberate commixture of Doric and Ionic elements ( Rhodes 1995, 146 ) . However, some of these elements that may look advanced can be found elsewhere and on much earlier temples. For illustration, the 6th century Doric peripteral temple of Artemis on Corfu had an octostyle facade and the same proportion of columns ( 8 by 17 ) as the mid-fifth century Parthenon, every bit good as two rows of columns in the cella ( Lawrence1996, 77 ) . The temple of Athena at Paestum in southern Italy is a Doric hexastyle temple of around 510BC but the interior portico utilizations eight Ionic columns in an Ionic agreement ( Stierlin 2001, 74 ; see program in Richter 1987, 30 ) . It was besides noted that the Parthenon made usage of overlying porticoes in the naos ( see Reconstruction in Boardman 1993, 118 ) . These were besides used in the modern-day 2nd temple of Hera at Paestum ( 460-440BC ) and Stierlin suggested that in the instance of the latter they may hold been used as a deliberate archaizing component, mentioning to the temple of Aphaia on Aegina, built around 500BC ( Stierlin 2001, 79 ; comparison exposures in Stierlin 2001, 78 and 148 ) . In a needfully ( to suit the expansive statue of Athena ) broad temple like the Parthenon, 30.88m at the stylobate, they may hold been more practical every bit good as attractive. It can so be seen that while the Parthenon may be advanced in the context of mainland Greek temples, there are analogues in the Grecian temples of southern Italy and Sicily that provide case in points for blending Doric and Ionic characteristics ( Rhodes 1995, 198n12 ) every bit good as characteristics from Archaic temples on Corfu and Aegina. The frequently discussed architectural polish of the curvature or splaying of the Parthenon was besides a traditional Doric solutions to drainage, although in the Parthenon it succeeds in forestalling the temple from looking knee bend ( Rhodes 1995, 74 ) . The chief factor in the l ayout of the Parthenon was in fact the older temple that it replaced, instead than any genuinely fresh programs. The designers of the Parthenon did non work in isolation but in a cultural and lingual zone stretching from Italy to Cyprus, with mainland Greece in the center and while the Parthenon is every bit alone as every Grecian temple it may be said to hold incorporated traditional inventions in a traditional manner. Traveling on to see briefly two other Periclean edifices on the Acropolis, the Erechtheion and the Propylaia, the Erechtheion, ceremonially the most of import edifice of the Acropolis, is a existent invention in the sense that instead than being a canonical temple, it is fitted to the mythic and physical landscape of the Acropolis. As such, it was constructed on two degrees, though with three different roof degrees, and incorporated the cults of Athena in the east cella, and Poseidon-Erechtheus in the West cella and north porch ( Rhodes 1995, 131-36 ) . The Erechtheion is Ionic in its columns and friezes and provides a complement to the Parthenon with its human-shaped Karyatid columns following a hundred twelvemonth old Ionic tradition begun by the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi ( Stierlin 2001, 208 ) . The Propylaia, or gateway to the Acropolis foreshadowed this balance once more by integrating both traditional Doric hexastyle outside combined with an internal Ionic colonnade. Rhodes s ays of its designer: ‘Mnesikles’ greatest part to the history and way of Grecian architecture was likely his vision of Doric and Ionic as equal constituents of a greater Grecian architecture’ ( 1995, 73 ) . It is possible that in a sense the Parthenon is more important to its modern adorants than its builders and that there is a desire to warrant this by mention to invention. Grecian temples were built non on subjective rules of aesthetic beauty but on mathematical and spiritual rules of harmoniousness and temples that reflected a peculiar harmoniousness were successful ( Stierlin 2001, 64-74 ) . The Periclean edifice programme did non radically innovate from a inactive or dead tradition: the edifices examined above surely did unite many elements to accomplish their alone purposes but so no two Grecian temples were of all time the same. Throughout their 1000 plus twelvemonth history, Grecian temple edifices and their builders combined traditional elements with limited inventions that by and large belonged to the temple edifice tradition guided by the rules of harmoniousness –a temple should be temple, after all.BibliographyBoardman, J. 1993. ‘The Classical Period’ , in Boardman, J. ( ed. ) 1993.The Oxford History of Classical Art.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 83-150. Johnston, A. 1993. ‘Pre-Classical Greece’ , in Boardman, J. 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